Feb 22, 2019

Watch Report No.4

Watch Report No.4      Jan. 12, 2019

§Unnecessary Tension Should Not Be Created About Military Exercises. Military Confidence-Building Requires Gradual Progress.
Based on the 2018 April Panmunjom Declaration and the 2018 September Pyongyang Joint Declaration, both North and South Korea have taken various measures to alleviate military tension and build confidence. The US has also gone along with the two Koreas’ moves, for instance, by suspending large-scale military exercises. Though this development is positive, the significance of the long-term US-ROK alliance should not be underestimated. To successfully implement the agreements on peace and denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, it is necessary to take enough time to resolve issues in the military domain and this process will require phased progress.


As the first step toward military confidence building, North and South Korea worked together to alleviate tension in the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), the front line of military tension. This step was vitally important both symbolically and practically. The September 19, 2018 “Agreement on the Implementation of the Historic Panmunjom Declaration in the Military Domain” [1] (hereafter referred to as “the military agreement”) is a document of vital importance as it acknowledges concrete implementation measures for issues in the military domain.

In accordance with the military agreement, North and South Korea first worked together to demilitarize the Joint Security Area in Panmunjom (JSA) and this was completed on October 25, 2018. Then, from November 11, the two Koreas implemented agreements to cease all hostile acts against each other in every domain, including land, air and sea and to establish “buffer zones on ground, at sea and in the air.” In terms of ground-based operations, the two sides ceased all live-fire artillery drills and field training exercises at the regiment level and above, within 5km from the Military Demarcation Line (MDL). At sea, the two sides ceased all live-fire and maritime maneuver exercises within the roughly 135-kilometer buffer zone north of ROK’s Deokjeok-do and south of DPRK’s Cho-do in the West Sea (the Yellow Sea), and within the roughly 80-kilometer [2] buffer zone north of ROK’s Sokcho and south of DPRK’s Tongcheon in the East Sea (the Japan Sea). In the air, for fixed-wing aircraft, such as reconnaissance aircraft and fighter aircraft, no-fly zones were designated within 40km from the MDL in the east and within 20km from the MDL in the west. For rotary-wing aircraft, no fly zones were designated within 10km from the MDL, and for unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), no-fly zones were designated within 15km from the MDL in the east and 10km form the MDL in the west.

In the military agreement, the two Koreas also agreed to proceed with a pilot project - an inter-Korean joint operation to recover remains within DMZ of soldiers killed during the Korean War.  And, on November 22, 2018, the ROK Ministry of Defense reported that they reconnected roads in the DMZ of Cheorwon, Gangwon-do, central Korean Peninsula, to use them for the project. [3] Also in accordance with the military agreement, in December 2018, the two Koreas withdrew 10 guard posts from each side on a trial basis, resulting in the withdrawal of 20 guard posts. (The two Koreas each agreed to preserve one respective guard post for their historical value after disarming them.) The military agreement’s goal to complete withdrawal of guard posts by December 31, 2018 was achieved. [4]

Thus far, the US has also continued to restrain itself militarily to reduce tension on the Korean Peninsula. Measures to ease tension in the DMZ described above required the understanding and cooperation of the United Nations Command (UNC). In particular, regarding demilitarization of the JSA and its operations thereafter, a trilateral consultative body among South Korea, North Korea and the UNC was established and has conducted consultations. Commander of US Forces, Korea (USFK) who is also commander of ROK-US Combined Forces Command (CFC), serves concurrently as Commander of UNC. It was reported that the USFK expressed some disagreement regarding measures to reduce military tension agreed upon by the two Koreas, however, in general the USFK has thus far been cooperative.

As mentioned at the beginning of this report, large-scale US-ROK combined military exercises have been suspended or scaled down. In 2018, the US and ROK reduced the number of the US-ROK combined Marine military drills. These drills were originally planned to take place 19 times from October 2017 to September 2018, but in June 2018, by which time eleven such drills had been carried out, they announced suspension of the drills, and as a result, the remaining 8 drills were canceled. [5] Additionally, according to the announcement made by the ROK military authority on November 27, no US bombers have been deployed over the Korean Peninsula for almost one year. [6] According to the US forces, the move came at the request of the ROK government. [7] Furthermore, on November 21, at a press conference in Washington D.C., regarding the large-scale US-ROK combined field exercise “Foal Eagle”, which is held annually in March or April, then-US Secretary of Defense, James Mattis, announced that they were considering scaling back the exercise in spring 2019, saying “Foal Eagle is being reorganized a bit to keep it at – at a level that will not be harmful to diplomacy.” [8] Also on October 19, during the meeting of US Secretary of Defense and ROK Minister of National Defense, the two sides agreed to suspend the large-scale US-ROK combined air combat drills, “Vigilant Ace” in 2018 which had been conducted annually in December. According to the senior spokesperson for US Department of Defense, Dana White, the reason for the suspension was “to give the diplomatic process every opportunity to continue.” [9]

As described above, thus far, with a stance of prioritizing the diplomatic process, the US Department of Defense has cooperated with inter-Korean efforts for reconciliation reducing negative impacts on the DPRK.

However, if discussions between the US and the DPRK remain deadlocked, it would be difficult to predict how long this US’s cooperative stance would be maintained. The Joint Communique issued after the 50th US-ROK Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) [10] held in Washington, DC on October 31, 2018, tells us that it will require considerable effort by concerned states to harmonize the two Koreas’ efforts at military confidence-building and current situation of US-ROK security system.

Regarding the implementation of the military agreement, the Joint Communique of the 50th US-ROK SCM states that, “the agreement should be implemented in a way that contributes substantively to easing tension and establishing peace while ensuring combined readiness and committed to continue to maintain close coordination and cooperation between US and ROK defense authorities during the process of implementation.” In short, both sides agreed to maintain combat readiness of US-ROK Combined Forces. Not only that, despite the fact that both the US and South Korea have been calling for the DPRK to denuclearize and trying to realize “denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula,” the US reaffirms “the continued US commitment to provide extended deterrence to the ROK using the full range of military capabilities, including US nuclear, conventional, and missile defense capabilities.” That is, it clearly states that the US will continue to provide its “nuclear umbrella.” This means that the US and South Korea expressed something equivalent to the DPRK’s saying, “We will continue to maintain its nuclear deterrent capability.” As just described, to advance confidence-building in the military domain, many issues remain that need to be resolved.

In this situation of such a delicate balance, on December 3, 2018, South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) announced that the Republic of Korea Air Force (ROKAF) would conduct independent “consolidated training for combat readiness” from December 3 to 7. [11] With US-ROK combined air combat drill, “Vigilant Ace,” cancelled, the aim of the training is to maintain military readiness. Considering the Joint Communique mentioned above, as well as the general military logic that military capabilities must be maintained, such training can be considered as something reasonably expected under current situation.

However, on December 4, 2018, the DPRK state run media, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), issued an article which condemns ROKAF’s independent training. [12] According to the UPI’s report of December 4, KCNA stated, “This is a dangerous military movement that reverses the situation of trust-building measures and reconciliation between North and South.” And, after pointing out the aim of training by stating, “South Korea’s joint chiefs of staff has publicly declared the air force training is to maintain military readiness and improve pilots’ ability to carry out missions,” KCNA stated that South Korea, “should stop all war exercises that could create conflict.” [13]

In response to the announcement that Foal Eagle would be conducted at a small scale, another North Korean state run online outlet, the Arirang-Meari, issued an article on December 2, 2018, stating that, “combined US-ROK military exercises of all scales should be suspended as well.” [14]

Those critical responses from North Korean media are quite understandable, unless they become the policy of the North Korean leadership and go too far. In the DPRK, soldiers can be engaged in farming and fishing as needed, but in many other countries, in time of peace, soldiers have no duty other than training and exercises. Unfortunately, in those countries, even when tension is easing, disarmament has to advance gradually. However, even though the pace may be slow, progress can be made in confidence-building by demonstrating a willingness to disarm and make tangible changes. In connection with alleviation of tension on the Korean Peninsula, on November 5, 2018, during a forum at Duke University, Joseph Dunford, chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, made suggestive statements as follows. [15] “The more successful we are in the diplomatic track, the more uncomfortable we will be in the military space,” and “Because over time, this negotiation will take a form where we’re going to have to start making some changes to the military posture on the peninsula. And we’re prepared to do that in support of Secretary Pompeo.”

It is essential that concerned states deepen mutual understanding concerning the pace of easing tension and disarmament in the military domain. This holds true not only for North and South Korea and the US, but also for Japan and China, which are closely related to the military situation in this region.

[1] “Agreement on the Implementation of the Historic Panmunjom Declaration in the Military Domain” The National Committee on North Korea
[2] 尹相虎「南北の陸海空緩衝区域1日から施行、一切の軍事訓練中止」, Donga Ilbo, November 1, 2018
[3] “(2nd LD) Koreas connect road inside heavily fortified DMZ,” Yonhap News Agency, November 22, 2018
[4] ”(2nd LD) S. Korea confirms disablement of N.K. DMZ guard posts,” Yonhap News Agency, December 17, 2018
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20181217005552315?section=search
[5] ”S. Korean, U.S. to resume marine exercise,” Yonhap News Agency, November 4, 2018
[6] “(LEAD) S. Korea, U.S. continue 'higher-level' exercises off peninsula: U.S. general,” Yonhap News Agency, November 27, 2018
[7] See note [6].
[8] “Media Availability with Secretary Mattis,” U.S. Department of Defense, November 21, 2018
[9] Robert BURNS, “US and South Korea again call off a major military exercise,” AP, October 20, 2018. https://www.apnews.com/7c4c40989a98451493664fb11f27f861
[10] "Joint Communiqué of the 50th U.S.-ROK Security Consultative Meeting," U.S. Department of Defense, October 31, 2018.
[11] Kang-moon Yoo, “S. Korean Air Force to conduct comprehensive battle readiness drills until Dec. 7,” Hankyoreh, December 4, 2018
[12] ”남조선공군 전투준비태세유지 위한 종합훈련 시작” KCNA, December 4, 2018.
http://www.kcna.co.jp/index-k.htm Search for the article from  date (In Korean language)
[13] Elizabeth Shim, “North Korea condemns South's air force exercises,” UPI, December 4, 2018
[14] See note [11].
[15] Idrees Ali, and Phil Stewart, “U.S.-North Korea talks could affect U.S. military posture in Korea: Dunford,” Reuters, November 6, 2018.

Feb 4, 2019

Watch Report No.3

Watch Report No.3      Dec. 25, 2018

§The Japanese Government’s Efforts to Define its Peacebuilding Role on the Korean Peninsula and Beyond are not Evident
Worrying developments have become evident in the implementation of the agreements on the Korean Peninsula’s denuclearization.

A commentary entitled, “When does the US wake up from foolish greed and daydream?” by Kwon Jong Gun, director of the Institute for American Studies of the Foreign Ministry of the DPRK [1], appeared on November 2, 2018 on the Korean Central News Agency’s news site. It implied that DPRK criticism of the US stance in negotiations with North Korea has escalated one step further. Although with reservations, the commentary mentioned for the first time the possibility of a change in DPRK’s policy, a change which had not been mentioned in commentaries posted during October.

Refraining from directly criticizing US President Trump, the commentary stated that evidence of US efforts to improve US-DPRK relations cannot not be found, and attacked “high-ranking officials of the White House and the US administration.” Concerning the Singapore summit, Director Kwon said that, “What top leaders of the DPRK and the US promised at (the) historic Singapore meeting in June (by) shaking hands, is to put an end to the hostile relations of centuries between the DPRK and the US and (to) make a new history of improving relations.” The commentary underscored that the core of the Singapore summit, hailed by the whole world, is that the two countries agreed to make a new history of improving their relations. And, concerning the current US stance which has only stressed the need for sanctions and pressure on the DPRK, Kwon said, “The improvement of relations and sanctions are incompatible” and, “’Friendship’ is inconsistent with ‘pressure’.” Additionally, Kwon questioned whether, “the nuclear issue of the DPRK is really a sore spot that caused all the complicated problems including the tension on the Korean Peninsula and the bedeviled DKRP-US relations.”

Then Kwon argued that taking into account the historic background of the nuclear issue, “the DPRK-US negotiations should be (a) simultaneous and phased course based on reciprocity and equality.” Kwon stated that based on this stance, “Now that we gave all things possible to the US, things it hardly deserves, by taking proactive and good-will measures, what remains to be done is the US corresponding reply.” The DPRK demands that the US take action and, “Unless there is any reply, the DPRK will not move even 1 mm, how costly it may be.”

As described above, there is a point of particular interest in director Kwon’s commentary. Choosing his words carefully, he implies that the DPRK has almost reached the limit of its patience. In other words, the commentary states that if the US remains arrogant without showing any change in its position, the DPRK may “add one thing to the state line for directing all efforts to the economic construction adopted (in the Plenary Meeting of Central Committee of Workers’ Party of Korea) in April and as a result, the word ‘pyongjin’ ((which means) ‘simultaneously conducting economic construction and building up nuclear forces’) may appear again and the change of the line could be seriously reconsidered.”

We are working on the Watch Project in hopes that agreement on the Korean Peninsula’s denuclearization will be implemented without being derailed. Examining the current situation based on this objective, we would like to point out that at this point the following two factors that have a role in preventing US-DPRK relations from deteriorating further. ① The North and South Korean governments have continued efforts to restore inter-Korean relations in accordance with the 2018 Inter-Korean summit agreements and have been making progress. ② Good US-South Korea relations have been maintained. It is important for civil society in the US, South Korea and Japan to accurately analyze this situation so as to appreciate and encourage efforts made by the North and South Korean governments, especially the role of the South Korean government that has been involved in both diplomatic processes.

In addition, civil society of the three countries needs to take note of the fact that the Japanese government has not, as yet, appeared on a diplomatic stage where it would naturally be expected to be. If the Japanese government had appeared on the stage with intention of getting involved in the peacebuilding process of Northeast Asia, there could be the possibility that those of us in civil society would have gained another influential country, which could be useful in dealing with current difficult circumstances.

However, unfortunately, the current reality of the Japanese government has fallen far short of such expectations.

As described in Watch Report 1, in his policy speech at the extraordinary Diet session after the cabinet reshuffle on October 24, Prime Minister Abe said, “Now it’s my turn to meet face to face with Chairman Kim Jong-Un. I will seek to break the shell of distrust, resolve the abduction issue, nuclear, and missile issues, settle the unfortunate past, and normalize Japan’s relations with the DPRK.”

However, in subsequent Japanese politics, almost no effort to demonstrate his words can be found. Not only in the Abe administration, but in the Diet, overall debate on the Korean Peninsula issue has been low key. At the start of the House of Councilors Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defense, Minister for Foreign Affairs Taro Kono stated as follows, and the policy expressed was related only to the implementation of UN Security Council resolutions.
“It is important that the summit agreement written clearly in the joint statement at the Singapore summit between the US and the DPRK, including North Korea’s commitment toward complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, is completely and immediately implemented, and it is indispensable to ensure the full implementation of UN Security Council resolutions by all countries of the UN.” [2]
Also, at the House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs, when asked about the nature of his recognition of the DPRK’s current situation, Foreign Minister Kono answered that the threat of North Korea remained unchanged and underscored the importance of the implementation of UN Security Council resolutions.
“Since the Singapore Summit, North Korea has not conducted nuclear and missile tests, but the situation remains unchanged where North Korea still possesses a number of Rodong missiles and its nuclear weapons program has considerably advanced. As perception that North Korea still poses the threat to international community remains unchanged, I’d like to continue to maintain the current situation of concerted international efforts wherein the international community fully implements the relevant UN Security Council resolutions while maintaining solidarity for the realization of North Korea’s CVID (complete, verifiable, and irreversible dismantlement) of nuclear weapons and missiles.” [3]

It’s not an exaggeration to say that the Japanese government’s policy, which has been articulated thus far, is limited to the obsolete policy of strict implementation of sanctions against the DPRK based on UN Security Council resolutions, and has stayed unchanged since before the historic Singapore summit was held.

In particular, the Japanese government has been actively engaged in a crackdown on sanctions evasion through illicit ship-to-ship transfers by DPRK vessels. In November, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) issued a press release concerning ship-to-ship transfers, in which the following position of MOFA is stated.
“Japan considers that the international community needs to fully implement the relevant UN Security Council resolutions (UNSCRs) while maintaining solidarity for the realization of North Korea’s dismantlement of all weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and ballistic missiles of all ranges in a complete, verifiable, and irreversible manner. In this regard, Japan welcomes and highly appreciates the efforts made by partner countries to that end. Japan will continue to work closely with all partner countries to ensure effectiveness of the relevant UNSCRs.”[4]

Unfortunately, regarding denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, what has been communicated positively by Japan’s MOFA to civil society in Japan is limited to efforts to put pressure on the DPRK by ensuring the implementation of UN Security Council resolutions, as described above. In late November, one of the authors of this report spoke at a symposium held by an NGO in Tokyo at which a mid-level official of MOFA’s Disarmament, Non-proliferation and Science Department was invited to speak as well. The position of the MOFA concerning the North Korean nuclear issue as explained to the audience during the symposium was, “Nothing is more important than urging the UN member states to implement UN Security Council resolutions.” The statement fails to recognize the obligations on both sides.

Does Japan MOFA recognize that the US and the DPRK agreement at the Singapore summit contains not only DPRK’s “commitment to complete denuclearization,” but also a US “commitment to providing security guarantees to the DPRK”? Dose it recognize that to fully realize the summit agreements, the implementation of both sides’ commitments needs to advance simultaneously?

As debate on this issue in the Diet is lacking, it will be vitally important for not only Japanese citizens, but also worldwide citizens interested in this issue, to receive clear answers to these questions. Fortunately, at the launch of the Watch Project, the Peace Depot was able to meet and exchange opinions with a high-ranking official, the number two figure of MOFA’s Asian and Oceanian Affairs Bureau which oversees this issue. The official’s answer to these questions was clear. He replied, “We’re aware that the agreement contains both sides’ commitments. I can’t tell you the details, but we have maintained close contact with the US with such a recognition.” The answer meets only minimum requirements, but must be considered good news to citizens. (Takuya MORIYAMA and Hiromichi UMEBAYASHI)

[1] “Institute for American Studies of DPRK Foreign Ministry Urges U.S. to Abandon Foolish Daydream” KCNA, November 2, 2018.
[2]  Foreign Minister Taro KONO’s statement at House of Councilors Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defense, Japanese Diet Minutes, November 13, 2018 (in Japanese).
[3]  Foreign Minister Taro KONO’s response at House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs, Japanese Diet Minutes, November 14, 2018 (in Japanese).
[4] Press Release “Monitoring and surveillance activities by concerned states against illicit maritime activities including ship-to-ship transfers with North Korean flagged vessels prohibited by UNSCRs”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, November 6, 2018

Watch Report No.36

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