Aug 27, 2019

Watch Report No.13

Watch Report No.13      Aug. 2, 2019

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To Prevent Deterioration of the Korean Situation Caused by Military Incidents, International Support to Utilize the Inter-Korean Joint Military Committee Is Recommended

The Watch Project has been concerned about the risk that particular military actions or incidents would trigger deterioration of the denuclearization and peace process of the Korean Peninsula, which would have significant impact on Japan as well [1]. Recent moves related to the US-ROK joint military exercise “Dong Maeng (Alliance) 19-2” and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK)’s launches of a new-type tactical guided weapon have demonstrated that such a risk still exists.

Missile launches in May
Let us briefly look back on the missile launches conducted by the DPRK last May. On May 4, the DPRK conducted a “strike drill” with the purpose of testing the operational capability of large-caliber long-range multiple rocket launchers and tactical guided weapons [2]. Additionally, on May 9, the DPRK fired short-range missiles towards the Japan Sea (the East Sea of Korea). The DPRK insisted that all the launches were part of the “regular and self-defensive military drill” and criticized those who discussed these launches and exaggerated their significance [3].

Media of various countries reacted strongly to DPRK’s missile launches. Leading media uniformly covered the launches in headline articles containing comments of experts that the missile firings would be a violation of UN Security Council sanctions resolutions (UNSCR) or were the first step towards the DPRK’s reverting to its past brinkmanship, as launches of short-range missiles would eventually escalate into those of long-range missiles, etc. Responding to the tone of some media coverage, with the exception of foreign policy hard-liners such as US National Security Advisor John Bolton, both US and South Korean authorities made efforts to calm the situation. For instance, on May 22, in his speech at the Land Forces Pacific (LANPAC) Symposium in Hawaii [4], General Robert Abrams, commander of US Forces Korea, said that recent drills by North Korea including missile launches are part of its regular military operations and “have not changed the palpable reduction of tensions on the peninsula”. Additionally, on May 25, US President Trump said in a Twitter post that, “North Korea fired off some small weapons, which disturbed some of my people, and others, but not me. I have confidence that Chairman Kim will keep his promise to me” [5]. The South Korean government, while recognizing that the DPRK fired short-range missiles, nevertheless suspended its judgement to the end whether those missiles were ballistic missiles subjected to UNSCRs [6].

As described above, DPRK’s missile launches in May provoked a large international reaction, much of which inflamed public opinion to conclude that the DPRK was trying to break its commitments again. This circumstance risked having negative impact on negotiations for the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. However, the leading figures of the US government and the South Koran government made efforts to calm down the situation.

The power demonstration fire of missiles to destroy F35 of South Korean Air Force
Regarding the two short-range missiles launched by the DPRK in the early morning of July 25, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) reported that the launch was “the power demonstration fire of a new-type tactical guided weapon” and “part of the power demonstration to send a solemn warning to south Korean military warmongers,” conducted under the guidance of Kim Jong Un [7]. The distinguishing feature of the missile launch was that it was conducted targeting South Korea.

There were two direct motivations for the missile launch of July 25. Both of them are derived from South Korea’s security policy which has long been maintained under the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the US and the Republic of Korea. One of the motivations is the arrival of two more ultramodern F35A stealth fighter jets on July 15 which Republic of Korea (ROK) Air Force bought from the US [8]. The other is the US-ROK joint military exercise, “Dong Maeng 19-2”, which is about to be conducted in August. Regarding these two motivations, the DPRK said that both violate the “Agreement on the Implementation of the Historic Panmunjom Declaration in the Military Domain,” Annex of the September 2018 Pyongyang Joint Declaration.

In coverage of the missile launch of July 25, a large number of Japanese media referred only to the latter issue of the US-ROK joint military exercise. DPRK’s strong protest against resumption of the US-ROK joint military exercise in the situation where the delay of US-DPRK working-level negotiations was drawing close attention was probably the reason why the latter issue was highlighted. However, in reality, the former issue bears more difficult implications on both the DPRK’s security and future peace and denuclearization process of the Korean Peninsula. In fact, attention should be paid to the fact that right before the new-type missiles were launched, the DPRK had warned that they would develop and test the armaments to destroy the F35As on land.

On July 11, four days before two more F-35A stealth fighter jets arrived at Cheongju Air Force Base in South Korea, the Policy Research Director, Institute for American Studies of the DPRK Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the stealth fighter an “invisible lethal weapon” and insisted that its additional deployment “is aimed at securing military supremacy over the neighboring countries in the region and especially opening a ‘gate’ to invading the north in time of emergency on the Korean peninsula.” The Director warned that, “We, on our part, have no other choice but to develop and test the special armaments to completely destroy the lethal weapons reinforced in South Korea” [9]. The test firing of July 25 is considered to be conducted in order to test those very special armaments mentioned above. The KCNA article of July 26 said that a new-type of tactical guided weapon which was test fired has “the specific features of the low-attitude gliding and leaping flight orbit, which would be hard to intercept” [10]. It is safe to say that the DPRK conducted “the power demonstration fire” of missiles which are able to avoid interception by ballistic missile defense systems deployed in South Korea and can attack targets on land (namely, F35As on the air base).

Therefore, while the US adopted a wait-and-see attitude, taking the position that the new-type tactical guided weapon isn’t a new threat, the ROK Defense Force made no secret that they recognized DPRK’s new military capability as a threat to them [11]. However, both the US and the South Korean governments maintained their similarly restrained stance as they had in May when they tried not to let the DPRK’s firing to have a negative impact on ongoing US-DPRK talks.

DPRK’s strong criticism against the US-ROK joint military exercise
DPRK’s missile launch in July can be interpreted as DPRK’s reaction to the ROK Armed Forces’ introduction of new weapons and modernization from two perspectives: faithful implementation of inter-Korean Summit Declarations and DPRK’s military countermeasures.

Regarding the issue of holding the US-ROK joint military exercise, “Dong Maeng 19-2”, the name of which was later changed to ease the DPRK’s opposition, the DPRK targeted the US and sent a message of strong criticism while linking it to the plan of US-DPRK working-level talks. This reflects the situation where in backroom diplomatic negotiations to resume working-level talks, no unconventional proposal based on “a new method of calculation” [12] from the US side which the DPRK has called for has been made. To obtain such a proposal based on “a new method of calculation,” the DPRK has been trying to remind the US of the significance of the US commitments in Singapore to suspend the US-ROK joint military exercises.

On July 16, a spokesperson for the DPRK Foreign Ministry made the following counterargument against the explanation by the US and South Korea that the “Dong Maeng 19-2” is different from past US-ROK military exercises, both in its scale and intention [13]. “It is an actual drill and a rehearsal of war aimed at militarily occupying our Republic by surprise attack and rapid dispatch of large-scale reinforcements under the cloak of ‘containment’ and ‘counter-offensive’ in time of emergency.” Additionally, after mentioning DPRK’s discontinuation of the nuclear and ICBM tests and US suspension of joint military exercises, the spokesperson stated that although they are not an agreement inscribed on paper, they are “commitments made to improve bilateral relations.” He described the current situation where, in spite of that, only the DPRK has kept its commitment while the US has been breaking its commitments, and warned as follows: “With the US unilaterally reneging on its commitments, we are gradually losing our justifications to follow through on the commitments we made with the US as well.” Based on that statement by the DPRK, a large number of media reported that the DPRK implied that “if the US-ROK joint military exercise is conducted, it will resume the nuclear and ICBM tests.”

Although the spokesperson for the DPRK Foreign Ministry didn’t refer to the phrase “working-level negotiations” in the statement, the spokesperson mentioned the Joint Statement of the US-DPRK summit in Singapore which is the basis of the working-level negotiations, and warned that continuation of the US-DPRK negotiations to realize the Joint Statement is at risk.

The DPRK has strongly opposed the US-ROK joint military exercises before “Dong Maeng19-2.” From March 4 to 12, when the joint military exercise “Dong Maeng 19-1” (called just Dong Maeng at that time) which replaced the conventional exercise “Key Resolve” was conducted, the DPRK stated that the exercise “aims at examining wartime operation plan through computer-aided simulation of ‘the north’s all-out invasion of the south’ and increasing the capabilities to fight a war,” and criticized that circumstance by saying, “The ill-boding moves of the (S)outh Korean military authorities and the US are a wanton violation of the DPRK-US joint statement and the north-south declarations in which the removal of hostility and tensions were committed to, and an open challenge to the aspiration and desire of all Koreans and the international community for peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula” [14].

The DPRK’s critical tone against the US-ROK joint military exercises has almost remained unchanged since March. Even if both the US and South Korea repeat their verbal explanations regarding the scale-back or changes in the aims of the joint exercises, the situation in which the conducting of military exercises will cause DPRK’s opposition will not change unless some kind of measures for risk management are devised. This issue will remain a time bomb which would put the US-DPRK negotiations on peace and denuclearization at risk.

Expectation for the Inter-Korean Joint Military Committee
With the missile launch, the DPRK sent a strong message, criticizing of what it believes is the double dealing behavior of the South Korean chief executives. The DPRK points out that while extending “a handshake of peace” with the DPRK as a standard-bearer of the peace on the Korean Peninsula, behind the scenes South Korea is deploying the F35A and holding the US-ROK joint military exercise “Dong Maeng 19-2”. What is in question here is how to resolve the negative legacy from the past, such as existing plans for an arms buildup symbolized by contracts to buy 40 stealth fighter jets and 4 unmanned surveillance aircraft, Global Hawk, or that the US-ROK joint military exercises will continue, in the changing situation where inter-Korean dialogue has been making progress. The denuclearization transition process could take an extended period of time. The international community, hoping for success of the peace and denuclearization process on the Korean Peninsula, needs to work together and overcome the risk of mishandling challenges related to military issues that could occur during that transition period.

To consider this issue, establishment of “the Inter-Korean Joint Military Committee” agreed upon in the “Agreement on the Implementation of the Historic Panmunjom Declaration in the Military Domain” which was adopted as an Annex of the Pyongyang Joint Declaration on September 19, 2018, will serve as a starting point [15].

In the Agreement, South and North Korea agreed to completely cease all hostile acts against each other in every domain, including land, air and sea that are the source of military tension and conflict. In order realize this, the two sides agreed to have consultations through the ‘Inter-Korean Joint Military Committee’ on matters including large-scale military exercises and military buildup aimed at each other, various forms of blockade, interdiction and obstruction of navigation as well as reconnaissance activities against conducted each other.

On June 26, 2019, South Korean President Moon Jae-in replied to questions in a joint written interview by Yonhap and six global news agencies. He stated his expectations of the Inter-Korean Joint Military Committee, as follows: “If inter-Korean agreement in the military domain is properly implemented, it will allow us to proceed to the stage of further enhancing transparency concerning military postures by exchanging pertinent information through the Inter-Korean Joint Military Committee and observing military drills and training. Furthermore, in line with progress in denuclearization, we will be able to advance to the point of disarming threatening weapons such as the long-range North Korean artillery targeting our capital Seoul and the short-range missiles that both Koreas possess.” [16]

Unfortunately, the DPRK hasn’t demonstrated a positive attitude towards use of the Inter-Korean Joint Military Committee. Possible reasons for this may include, that given the slow progress of US-DPRK negotiations, the DPRK has had no option but to focus on the development of US-DPRK talks and invest human resources in this domain.  As well, the DPRK has doubts about the independence of South Korea in the US-ROK military alliance for years. To overcome this circumstance, utilization of the Inter-Korean Joint Military Committee, based on international initiative, should be explored as a matter of urgency. For instance, a possible initiative, with US prior agreement, would be an international monitoring team consisting of countries that the Inter-Korean Joint Military Committee can agree upon with a mission to observe US-ROK joint military exercises. In such an initiative, ASEAN member states which have friendly diplomatic ties with the DPRK will play a valuable role. (Hiromichi UMEBAYASHI)

PS: Although this Watch Report was written before DPRK’s missile launch on July 31, 2019, the main point of this Report remains unchanged.

[1] For example, Watch Report No. 4, “Unnecessary Tension Should Not Be Created About Military Exercises. Military Confidence-Building Requires Gradual Progress,” January 21, 2019
[2] ”Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un Guides Strike Drill of Defence Units in Frontline Area and on Eastern Front,” KCNA, May 5, 2019
http://www.kcna.co.jp/index-e.htm Search for the article from date.
[3] ”DPRK Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Criticizes Some Forces for Making Issue of Its Routine and Self-Defensive Military Drill,” KCNA, May 8, 2019
http://www.kcna.co.jp/index-e.htm Search for the article from date.
[4] Speech by Robert Abrams USFK commander at Land Forces Pacific Symposium in Honolulu
[5] Trump’s tweet on May 25, 2019
[6] ”(LEAD) S. Korea, U.S., Japan vow cooperation for N.K. denuclearization,” Yonhap News Agency, June 2, 2019
[7] ”Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un Guides Power Demonstration Fire of New-Type Tactical Guided Weapon,” KCNA, July 26, 2019
http://www.kcna.co.jp/index-e.htm Search for the article by date.
[8] ”Two more F-35A stealth fighters arrive in S. Korea,” Yonhap News Agency, July 16, 2019
[9] ”S. Korean Authorities Slammed,” KCNA, July 11, 2019
http://www.kcna.co.jp/index-e.htm Search for the article by date.
[10] see note [7]
[11] ”Ballistic missile, gap in assessment between the U.S. and ROK (Tentative),” The Asahi Shimbun, July 27, 2019
[12] On April 12, 2019, Kim Jong Un called on the U.S. to approach DPRK with “a new way of calculation” in a policy speech. KCNA, April 14, 2019
http://kcna.kp/kcna.user.home.retrieveHomeInfoList.kcmsf Search for the article in the page ‘Supreme Leader’s Activities’ from date
[13] ”U.S. Hit for Seeking to Wage Joint Military Drill against DPRK,” KCNA, July 16, 2019
http://www.kcna.co.jp/index-e.htm Search for the article by date.
[14] ”S. Korea-U.S. Starts New Joint Military Drill,” KCNA, March 7, 2019
[15] “Agreement on the Implementation of the Historic Panmunjom Declaration in the Military Domain” The National Committee on North Korea
[16] ”Joint Written Interview with President Moon Jae-in by Yonhap and Six Global News Agencies,” June 26, 2019

Aug 16, 2019

Watch Report No.12

Watch Report No.12      July. 17, 2019

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The Reopening of US-North Korea Talks Should Seek Small Deals, Not a Big One

On June 30, US President Donald Trump and DPRK Chairman Kim Jong-un surprised the world with their electrifying third summit in Panmunjom, right on the military boundary between North and South Korea. Four months after the summit in Hanoi, Vietnam, where they failed to reach an agreement about the process of denuclearization and the lifting of sanctions, a wide disparity persists between the positions of the US and the DPRK. Concerns have been expressed about the reopening of talks, with worries that President Trump, with his eyes set on the next year’s election, may give up his “big deal,” demanding the complete denuclearization of DPRK in one stroke, and instead resign himself to “small deals,” thereby accepting the DPRK’s status quo. However, the accumulation of those “small deals,” in fact, provides a key to negotiations for the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

Since the Panmunjom Summit, voices within the Trump administration have been reported, showing the United States’ flexible stance toward the DPRK. For example, Stephen Biegun, US State Department Special Representative for North Korea Policy, said in his talks on June 28 with Lee Do-hoon, Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs Special Representative for Korean Peninsula Peace and Security Affairs, that the US “is ready to hold constructive talks with the North to move the commitments of the June 12 Singapore Joint Declaration forward in a simultaneous and parallel manner” [1]. Also, Mr. Biegun reportedly told US media – on the condition it is kept off the record – that the US government was considering plans in which the DPRK would implement a “complete freeze” of its WMD programs, and in return the US would provide humanitarian aid or expand people-to-people talks between the two countries [2]. In addition, the NHK reported on one of the minority opinions within the Trump administration. According to the report, a plan was being developed as a possible breakthrough, in which the US conducts partial and temporary lifting of economic sanctions while it assesses the DPRK’s behavior [3].

Regarding these flexible attitudes of the Trump administration, some observers fear that DPRK’s complete denuclearization might be left behind. For example in Japan, the anchor of NHK’s major news program expressed his concern that “Trump might resign himself to a small outcome, a small deal, in face of his Presidential election” [4].

However, in order to break the stalemate after the Hanoi Summit, there is, in Biegun’s words, a “need for a flexible approach” [5]. In his April 12 policy speech, Kim Jong-un also argued that “both sides should give up their unilateral terms and seek a constructive solution that meets each other’s interests” [6]. Biegun, who takes charge of the matter at the working-level, understands the situation and shows a flexible attitude by stating – at least officially – that the US is ready to implement the “simultaneously and in parallel” agreements made in Singapore (i.e., to establish new U.S.-DPRK relations; to build a lasting and stable peace regime on the Korean Peninsula; to work toward complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula; and to recover POW/MIA remains including the immediate repatriation of those already identified), which is commendable enough in itself. The problem is whether future negotiations can reach a specific common ground acceptable to both parties, for the DPRK is seeking “reciprocal and phased” implementation.

What is critical in finding a common ground is how to remove the threat the DPRK senses from the United States. The importance of this is evidenced by the fact that, promises aiming at the assurance of DPRK’s security (not merely the protection of its regime), such as non-aggression of the DPRK, or improved US-DPRK relations, are contained not only in the Singapore agreement but in all major nuclear agreements on the Korean Peninsula, including the 1994 Agreed Framework between the USA and DPRK, and the 2005 Joint Statement of the Six-party Talks. In a situation where the Korean War has not ended and where there is no trust between the US and DPRK, it is inconceivable to think of the DPRK, which has been developing nuclear weapons as a means of deterrence against US aggression, abandoning its nuclear weapons before the threat is removed. It is the United States’ “hostile policy” against the DPRK that is impeding DPRK’s action toward denuclearization. The issue of Korean Peninsula’s denuclearization mostly boils down to whether the US abandons its hostile policy.

With the above in mind, we would like to identify the focus of the negotiations to come, based on “the unrealized Hanoi agreement”, a draft text prepared but not signed at the Hanoi Summit.

Watch Report No.7 took note of this “unrealized Hanoi agreement”, and proposed the following six interim measures that should be worth seeking in the coming negotiations: [7]
(1) a declaration to end the Korean War or a peace declaration;
(2) the establishment of a US liaison office in Pyongyang;
(3) a provisional agreement on the scale and nature of future US-ROK joint military exercises, a possible cause for DPRK’s concern;
(4) a moderate relaxation of the economic sanctions short of lifting of the 5 UNSC sanctions resolutions;
(5) partial lifting of the sanctions limited to those necessary for inter-Korean economic cooperation; and,
(6) the relaxation of restrictions on DPRK space and nuclear development programs, on condition of ensuring peaceful purposes of the programs, and increasing international access to DPRK nuclear and space facilities.

Regarding the end-of-war declaration (1), it is extremely unreasonable that the Korean Peninsula is still in a state of war, as was indicated symbolically by Trump and Kim Jong-un shaking hands on the military border at the last summit meeting. The DPRK and ROK have already issued a de facto end-of-war declaration, by signing the “Agreement on the Implementation of the Historic Panmunjom Declaration in the Military Domain”, a document annexed to the 2018 September Pyongyang Joint Declaration between the two Koreas. Residents of the Korean Peninsula do not want war. Now that the U.S. president and the DPRK leader – the enemies – shook hands on the military boundary, there is no reason to continue the war. Although some people who do not want to withdraw the U.S. Forces Korea seem to oppose an end-of-war declaration, the USFK issue should not be an obstacle to the ending of the Korean War, since – as ROK President Moon Jae-in stated clearly in a recent written interview – Kim Jong-un “has never linked denuclearization (of the Korean Peninsula) with the ROK-U.S. alliance or a pullout of the United States Forces Korea” [8].

The establishment of a US liaison office in Pyongyang (2) can be realized relatively easily if the Korean War ends. In fact, Biegun refers to this in the above-mentioned off-the-record talks with the press [9]. The existence of US facilities and property in Pyongyang should serve as assurance that the US would not attack the DPRK.

With regard to a provisional agreement on US-ROK joint military exercises etc. (3), it is necessary to avoid a situation in which military exercises and weapons development on the part of either the US or ROK may cause distrust of the DPRK and hinder the negotiations, given that currently mutual trust among the US, ROK and DPRK is lacking. Moreover, a tripartite military agreement with the US in the loop is also needed for the sake of preventing an accidental crash or other military-related incident.

As for economic sanctions relief (4), it is necessary to find a middle ground acceptable to both parties. This is because the DPRK demanded the livelihood sanctions relief of UN Security Council resolutions as partial relief at the Hanoi Summit, whereas the US took it as “a de facto overall relaxation”. One could begin with sanctions relief limited to north-south economic cooperation, as in (5). Although the ROK anxiously looks forward to the implementation of inter-Korean economic cooperation, the economic sanctions are preventing it from happening, thereby harming north-south relationships. An early lifting of sanctions on inter-Korean economic cooperation would be desirable. As the Watch Report repeatedly pointed out (in No.8 and No.9), the UN Security Council’s sanction resolutions mostly contain provisions stipulating that it is ready to strengthen, modify or lift the measures according to the DPRK’s status of compliance with the resolutions. We would like to reiterate the necessity for the international community to consider reviewing the sanctions so that those sanctions do not impede the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. In particular, the international community must take seriously the fact that the sanctions are affecting the United Nations assistance operations and are imposing great impact on the lives of ordinary North Koreans [10].

As for peaceful uses of outer space and nuclear energy by the DPRK (6), if the DPRK returns to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) or the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and is placed under diligent international inspection, it naturally follows that the DPRK should be granted the right to the peaceful uses of outer space and nuclear energy without delay.

There should be other possible interim measures toward the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. At any rate, the re-opening of working-level talks should build consensus on concrete and feasible measures, implement them steadily, thereby removing the US threat claimed by the DPRK, building trustworthy relationships between the two countries, and creating an environment enabling the DPRK to denuclearize.

Such a step-by-step approach to denuclearization does not contradict complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. A step-by-step approach is the first rung on the ladder to complete denuclearization and does not mean admitting DPRK’s possession of nuclear weapons. Biegun’s off-the-record “freeze” plan is merely “the beginning of the process” of denuclearization, as Morgan Ortagus, US State Department Spokesperson said later at a press conference [11].

In order for President Trump to show his difference from his predecessors, he needs to abandon his hostile policy, assure DPRK’s security, and pave the way to complete denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula. For that to happen, Trump needs to overcome his fellow hard-liners as well as the public opinion thinking of a small deal as a “compromise”. Civil society should act to build a rational public opinion, and to sustain and pursue the opportunity generated by President Trump. (Hajime MAEKAWA & Hiromichi UMEBAYASHI)

[1] “U.S. ready for talks with N.K. to make 'simultaneous and parallel' progress: nuke envoy,” Yonhap News Agency, June 28, 2019
[2] “Scoop: Trump's negotiator signals flexibility in North Korea talks,” AXIOS, July 3, 2019
[3] Remarks made by Hideki Yui, Chief Correspondent of NHK’s Washington D.C. Bureau, at the “News Watch 9” program broadcasted on June 28, 2019.
[4] Remarks made by anchorman Yoshio Arima, at the “News Watch 9” broadcasted on July 1, 2019.
[5] “‘Door is Wide Open’ for Negotiations with North Korea, US Envoy Says,” Atlantic Council, June 19, 2019
https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/door-is-wide-open-for-negotiations-with-north-korea-us-envoy-says
[6] KCNA, April 14, 2019
http://kcna.kp/kcna.user.home.retrieveHomeInfoList.kcmsf Search for the article in the page ‘Supreme Leader’s Activities’ from date.
[8] “Joint Written Interview with President Moon Jae-in by Yonhap and Six Global News Agencies,” The Republic of Korea Cheong Wa Dae, June 26, 2019
[9] Same as [2]. In his informal talks with the press, Biegun proposes to build liaison offices in the capitals of one another, in return for the DPRK freezing its WMD development program.
[10] For example: World Food Programme (WFP), “Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) - FAO/WFP Joint Rapid Food Security Assessment,” May 2019, 14p
[11] “Department Press Briefing,” U.S. Department of State, July 9, 2019

Watch Report No.36

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